A leading figure in several radical nationalist, national socialist and anti-Zionist groups in Spain can today be revealed as an undercover ‘anti-fascist’ agent. This exposé has also been published in German, in Spanish, in French, and in Italian.
Beginning in late 2020 and with increasing prominence since late 2021, Armando Rodríguez Pérez has led a double life.
One face of Armando Rodríguez Pérez is as a lawyer with an academic specialism in human rights, organising conferences with a strongly ‘anti-fascist’ theme, and sharing the Madrid office of a legal firm offering advice to German and English speaking clients in Spain.
The other face of Armando Rodríguez Pérez is as a radical leader of the ‘far right’, not only representing some of Spain’s most noted national socialists, but also taking an active role in leading their organisations, raising troubling questions about the extent to which he and his controllers may have crossed the line between infiltrator and agent provocateur.
During November-December 2022 Armando Rodríguez Pérez (recently using the online identity ‘Armando Renacer’ and previously ‘Armando Bastión’):
(1) became “political action secretary” for a new movement that represents the ‘National Bolshevik’ faction of Spain’s ‘far right’;
(2) infiltrated the circle of a British political activist and travelled to her home in Germany, where he met with several leading German national socialist activists;
(3) volunteered to act as liaison between a fugitive political dissident and the Iranian Government.
For more than a year until the group’s dissolution two months ago, Armando Rodríguez Pérez was co-leader of a national socialist youth group, Bastión Frontal, and organised international connections with similar groups in France, Italy, Serbia, Poland and elsewhere.
And until today he was still acting as lawyer for the activist who attracted international media attention to Bastión Frontal, the 20-year-old student Isabel Peralta.
Yet Armando Rodríguez Pérez is not what he seems.
INFILTRATING THE ‘FAR RIGHT’
During the summer of 2020 – in the early months of the pandemic – Spain’s secret police (the CGI, roughly equivalent to the old British Special Branch, or what is now SO15) began to monitor the activities of a new national socialist youth group, Bastión Frontal, whose activities involved both opposing illegal immigration (especially immigrant street gangs) and drawing attention to the economic plight of many working-class Spaniards suffering under pandemic restrictions.
An 18-year-old history student at Complutense University of Madrid, Isabel Peralta, was first observed by the secret police at a Bastión Frontal activity in September 2020. She had previously been active in other Falangist groups but had become disillusioned by some of their reactionary and corrupt leaders. Isabel attracted international attention on 13th February 2021 when she gave a speech in tribute to the heroic anti-communist volunteers of the Blue Division (División Azul), who fought on the Eastern Front after 1941 against Stalin’s Red Army.
At the end of 2020, a 30-year-old lawyer named Armando Rodríguez Pérez suddenly appeared in ‘far right’ circles. He first turned up among football ultras in the tough Madrid district of San Blas-Canillejas, then gave a speech about the Blue Division’s war record at a meeting of national socialists with an interest in military history. He had no known past political activity, or indeed even the remotest connection to any form of nationalist movement. No one knew anything about him and no one checked up on him. For reasons that now seem mystifying, Armando was accepted as a comrade by various radical factions, each perhaps assuming that someone else had vouched for him.
Armando enhanced his credibility in such circles by latching onto Bastión Frontal after it had become the most visible face of Spanish radical nationalism, largely thanks to its co-leader Isabel Peralta.
Within a very short time he had emerged as one of the leaders of this national socialist youth group, partly because he was a few years older, and partly because he offered them free legal advice and even represented them in court without charge.
Soon he was calling himself ‘Armando Bastión’ and making regular speeches at the group’s meetings, also acting as moderator for their online Telegram forum. After Isabel Peralta moved to Germany for a few months during late 2021 and early 2022, Armando Rodríguez Pérez established himself as effectively the leader of Bastión Frontal, especially after co-leader Rodrigo Miguélez was imprisoned. Armando represented both Rodrigo and Isabel in several criminal and civil cases.
During the autumn of 2022 Bastión Frontal collapsed, but Armando Rodríguez Pérez is continuing to represent Isabel in a long-running criminal case, where prosecutors are trying to jail her for a speech made at an anti-immigration rally outside the Moroccan Embassy in May 2021. He is also representing her in a continuing civil action that she has brought against the US-based Simon Wiesenthal Center and the Jerusalem Post.
Yet in both of these cases (and earlier legal problems relating to Bastión Frontal activists) Armando Rodríguez Pérez had a conflict of interest that made it grossly improper for him to act on behalf of such clients. While they are militant nationalists, national socialists and anti-Zionists, Armando Rodríguez Pérez has a long background (which he disguised from his new clients and ‘comrades’) working for an explicitly anti-fascist and anti-nazi academic foundation with close connections to Israel and international Jewish organisations.
ARMANDO AND THE BERG INSTITUTE
Armando Rodríguez Pérez arrived suddenly in nationalist / national-socialist circles after a background of several years working with an important academic organisation that specialises in ‘Holocaust’ studies and other ‘anti-fascist’ themes, the Madrid-based Berg Institute (Instituto Berg).
He studied for a year at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. His biography on the Spanish version of his former law firm’s website was later edited to remove reference to his time in Jerusalem, but an earlier English-language draft of the same page still includes this reference.
Armando’s master’s degree in “International Relations, International Law and Conflict Resolution” was undertaken jointly with Alfonso X el Sabio University, Madrid; the UN’s ‘University for Peace’; and the Berg Institute.
He went on to work as part of the Berg Institute’s ‘academic coordination team’ and took part in the Institute’s joint training programmes with the Colombian Army and security forces.
In other words Armando Rodríguez Pérez was not simply studying in Israel, or casually associated with the Berg Institute: he was actually an organiser and coordinator for several of their projects. This is especially disturbing when one looks in more detail at the content of the conferences that he organised.
Similar connections with the Berg Institute were shared with both of the close friends with whom in 2015 Armando Rodríguez Pérez set up a law firm in Madrid called GABEIRO – José Feliciano Beceiro Armada and Jesús Gavilán Hormigo. Gavilán studied in Jerusalem during 2014 alongside Armando, and worked for the Fundación Internacional Baltasar Garzón, named in honour of Spain’s most infamously left-wing, ‘anti-fascist’ judge. While Beceiro preceded Armando as organiser of the Berg Institute’s international conference.
A fourth lawyer who was part of this short-lived GABEIRO firm in Madrid (Álvaro Domec López) was brought into Isabel Peralta’s criminal case by Armando in January 2022 – a fact that was completely unknown to Isabel herself until it was revealed in court documents.
It is necessary to look more closely at this Berg Institute, for which Armando Rodríguez Pérez acted as a coordinator / organiser before his sudden ‘conversion’ to the radical nationalist / national socialist cause.
There are many Jews in the world, and of course it would be ridiculous to assume that a lawyer is a Jewish agent if he simply had a passing connection with a Jewish client.
Armando’s connection is far more serious, especially when viewed alongside work with the police and military, and international work undertaken with the backing of this particular anti-fascist organisation.
Readers should bear in mind that Armando has never at any stage confided in his new comrades, in order to explain his political conversion. His past as the organiser of anti-fascist conferences was completely secret until revealed during this investigation.
ARMANDO THE ANTI-NAZI CONFERENCE ORGANISER
In 2014 and 2015, Armando Rodríguez Pérez was the organiser of two international conferences for the Berg Institute. These were very high-level events lasting in each case for a fortnight, starting in Madrid and moving on to several other European cities. The academic directors of the conference were the two co-directors of the Berg Institute, one of whom was Armando’s academic supervisor, Prof. Joaquin González Ibáñez.
These conferences were imbued with the ‘anti-nazi’ and anti-fascist ethos of the Berg Institute. On 23rd June 2014, the second day of the conference included a homage to an exhibition at the Museo Reina Sofía dedicated to the Picasso painting Guernica, the Spanish town bombed by the Condor Legion (a German force supporting General Franco’s Nationalists) in April 1937 during the Spanish Civil War, which has attained mythic, iconic status for anti-fascists.
A co-director of the Berg Institute gave a lecture to the conference titled ‘Colonialism, World Wars and the Holocaust’, then on 1st July (after the conference participants had visited the European Court of Human Rights), Armando organised a visit to the concentration camp at Natzweiler-Struthof in Alsace. This was the only such camp established by the German authorities on French soil, and is often described as a ‘death camp’. Controversially, there is claimed to have been a homicidal gas chamber at the camp, but only a primitive one supposedly used for occasional experimental killings, not the mass killings alleged at Auschwitz and other camps in Eastern Europe.
The late revisionist scholar Prof. Robert Faurisson analysed this Natzweiler-Struthof ‘gas chamber’ story in detail. Faurisson discovered that even the scientific expert sent by French prosecutors to examine Struthof (Prof. René Fabre, Dean of the Pharmacology Faculty in Paris) concluded in December 1945 that there was no trace of hydrocyanic acid (i.e. the active ingredient in the alleged mass murder weapon ‘Zyklon B’, actually an insecticide) in Struthof’s alleged ‘gas chamber’. Neither did the corpses of allegedly ‘gassed’ victims that Fabre inspected in a Strasbourg morgue show any trace of this poison. Natzweiler-Struthof is thus unique among the alleged ‘death camps’ in having been inspected – not by a ‘revisionist’ but by an expert witness working for the new French government – and found not to have been used in the manner now described by the ‘Holocaust’ industry.
But none of this is mentioned by the Berg Institute, for whom the visit organised by Armando was simply a genuflection at a ‘Holocaust’ site. As with the trip to the Guernica exhibition in Madrid, this was an act of quasi-religious homage to the ‘victims of nazism’. As we shall see, the entire outlook of the Berg Institute is based on Holocaustian foundations.
The day after this act of homage at the ‘death camp’, the conference discussed the Nuremberg trials, which again are fundamental to the version of ‘international human rights law’ promoted by the Berg Institute.
A year later, in June-July 2015, Armando organised a second Berg Institute conference along very similar lines, again incorporating a visit to the Natzweiler-Struthof ‘death camp’. This time there was also a lecture by the academic lawyer Javier Chinchón from Madrid’s Complutense University, on the theme of historical memory and the state’s responsibility to ‘victims’. Chinchón argued that Spain had failed sufficiently to condemn the crimes of the Franco era: he has been one of the main academic lobbyists pushing for a strict ‘democratic memory law’ of the type recently adopted.
Armando’s present client Isabel Peralta has campaigned on the other side of this argument – but at no point has Armando admitted to her that he had himself been the organiser of academic conferences that actively promoted such a law; conferences that were thoroughly imbued with an ‘anti-fascist’ ethos seeking to ground the entire approach to ‘human rights’ in a politically-slanted approach to the Spanish Civil War and the Second World War.
In 2013 an earlier Berg Institute conference – run along similar lines to the two organised by Armando himself during 2014-2015 – was organised by Armando’s partner in the GABEIRO firm, José Feliciano Beceiro Armada. This included a reception hosted by the Colombian Ambassador. (Beceiro and Armando were both involved in the Berg Institute’s training sessions for the Colombian Army and Security Forces.)
Yet again, this conference concluded with a solemn pilgrimage to the ‘death camp’ at Natzweiler-Struthof.
Armando’s colleagues at the Berg Institute have continued to organise these conferences every year, when not disrupted by the pandemic. In 2019 the conference was held in Israel, in coordination with the Berg Institute’s longstanding academic partner, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. It included visits to the ancient historic icon of Masada, where, allegedly, Jewish soldiers killed themselves in 74 AD rather than surrender to Roman forces that had besieged the fortress; to Israel’s parliament, the Knesset; and of course a pilgrimage to the Holocaust Museum, Yad Vashem.
In January 2022 a similar international conference organised by the Berg Institute included a pilgrimage to Auschwitz.
THE BERG INSTITUTE – ROOTED IN ‘HOLOCAUST’ STUDIES AND ANTI-NAZISM
The Berg Institute – for which Armando Rodríguez Pérez has worked and which was the co-organiser of his academic training – specialises in publishing the work of leading Jews in relation to the ‘Holocaust’, war crimes trials, and anti-Nazi activities.
Formally incorporated in 2009 as the Fundación Berg Oceana Aufklarung, its founder and co-director is Joaquín Gonzáles Ibáñez, a professor of international law and international relations at both the long-established Complutense University, Madrid, and at the much newer private university Alfonso X.
Interviewed in January 2019, Prof. Gonzáles explained that the Institute was partly inspired by his political hero Nelson Mandela, and stressed that its entire outlook on “human rights” was rooted in anti-fascism and anti-nazism:
“We always refer to the historic perspective, that probably the three worst legacies in the last centuries, the darkest hours, the darkest chapters, the most infamous moments in the last two centuries in world history were precisely created by Europeans. What I mean are the legacy of colonialism and fascism, all of them are European creations. So, Franco, Mussolini and Hitler and other historical characters are as European as van Gogh, Goya or Picasso. And in this program, we start with Auschwitz and we go to the Modern Art Reina Sofía Museum to encounter the Guernica from Picasso. And we have this tool, which is a legal approach, but also historical, political…”
Prof. Gonzáles went on to describe how his Berg Institute had created “the most important human rights library in the Spanish language.” This began in 2010 with Primo Levi’s Auschwitz Trilogy, which was “the cradle of the project, the first book of the collection, number zero, we were lucky to have the best departure point. …Going to Auschwitz hand in hand with Primo Levi, it shows you not just the past, but what are your main responsibilities towards planet earth.”
At the time of this interview in 2019, the Institute had just published Totalmente Extraoficial, the memoirs of Raphael Lemkin, first published in English in 2013 as Totally Unofficial. Most famous as the man who coined the term ‘genocide’, Lemkin was a Polish Jewish lawyer who moved to the USA and became a special adviser to the US War Department. His 1944 book Axis Rule in Occupied Europe is regarded as a “foundational text in Holocaust studies”, and Lemkin went on to be the senior adviser to Robert H. Jackson, chief counsel to the Nuremberg trials.
The Spanish edition had 70 extra pages drawn from Lemkin’s archive and a prologue by the Spanish writer Antonio Muñoz Molina, a winner of the Jerusalem Prize who now resides in New York. Muñoz also wrote an introduction to the Berg Institute’s 2019 Spanish edition of the memoirs of Europe’s most famous militant “nazi-hunters”, Serge and Beate Klarsfeld (first published in French in 2015 and in English in 2018 as Hunting the Truth: Memoirs of Beate and Serge Klarsfeld). The video below shows an event jointly organised by the Berg Institute and a Jewish cultural centre in Madrid – Centro Sefarad Israel – paying tribute to the Klarsfelds.
It’s now known that the Klarsfelds worked on a regular basis with the communist East German secret police – the Stasi – to demonise Western politicians as “nazis” and stage “anti-nazi” propaganda stunts. They organised many secret operations against national socialist veterans and “neo-nazis” and in 1974 were convicted and given two-month jail sentences (later suspended) for the attempted kidnapping of former SS intelligence officer Kurt Lischka.
The Klarsfelds’ most famous achievements include tracking down former Gestapo officer Klaus Barbie and having him deported from Bolivia to France for trial, and campaigning for the prosecution of retired French police chief Maurice Papon. They also tracked down René Bousquet, a former civil servant in the French government of Philippe Pétain in Vichy. Bousquet was murdered before he could stand trial.
On several occasions the Klarsfelds tried to track down Alois Brunner, a former Third Reich official who lived in Damascus after the war: Beate Klarsfeld even undertook an undercover mission to Syria, where she was briefly jailed.
Since the late 1970s one of the Klarsfelds’ main targets was the French revisionist scholar Prof. Robert Faurisson. They campaigned for his prosecution, testified at his trials, and organised anti-revisionist propaganda in many countries. They have also been active in campaigns against many different varieties of modern-day nationalist politicians, even those such as Marine Le Pen who painstakingly distance themselves from racialism, historical revisionism and ‘anti-semitism’.
The Klarsfelds are highlighted by Berg Institute founder Gonzáles as among his main inspirations, as is Fritz Bauer, the German Jewish judge who was responsible for alerting Israel’s intelligence service Mossad to the whereabouts of Adolf Eichmann, allowing them to begin the operation that ended in his kidnapping from Buenos Aires and subsequent trial and execution. Bauer also led the prosecution at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial that began in 1963, and was the most important ‘Holocaust’-related trial after that of Nuremberg. The Berg Institute worked with the Fritz Bauer Institute to create a “Human Rights Film Award” in joint honour of Fritz Bauer and Raphael Lemkin.
Prof. Gonzáles has said that, while building the Institute, he “personally dreamt of my heroes, Lemkin, Primo Levi, of course, Klarsfeld and finally, Fritz Bauer. …Also, we are working in something special about the Civil War in Spain and the post-civil war and the trauma and the punitive and infamous legacy of Franco´s dictatorship and the luck of a democratic response during the last 40 years of Spanish democracy. We didn’t have in Spain any agenda designed when the Spanish transition unfolded on how to address the human rights violations and crimes of Franco’s dictatorship from 1939 to 1975. Probably few people thought about this necessary scenario.”
In other words, Prof. Gonzáles addresses the failure to institutionalise “anti-fascism” in post-Franco Spain. This deficiency has been remedied in 2022 with the “democratic memory law” which demonises Spanish nationalism and enshrines communists and anti-fascists as heroes, and by an accompanying “anti-semitism” law that effectively criminalises criticism of Judaism and many forms of Holocaust revisionism.
Other books published by the Berg Institute include:
– The Spanish edition of Deborah Lipstadt’s El juicio de Eichmann (2019: first published in English in 2011 as The Eichmann Trial).
– The Spanish edition of the memoirs of Richard Sonnenfeldt, a German-Jewish intelligence officer who was personal interpreter to Gen. William Donovan, head of the OSS (precursor to the CIA), and chief interpreter to the US prosecution team at the Nuremberg trials; these memoirs were published in Spanish by the Instituto Berg in 2018 as Testigo en Núremberg; first published in English in 2006 as Witness to Nuremberg.
– A book about American neo-nazis by Aryeh Neier, a German-Jewish lawyer who served for twenty years as president of George Soros’s ‘philanthropic’ network, the Open Society Institute; in the Instituto Berg’s Spanish edition (2020) this book is called Defendiendo a mi enemigo; first published in English in 1979 as Defending My Enemy: American Nazis in Skokie, Illinois, and the Risks of Freedom.
– The memoirs of Sari Nusseibeh, a highly controversial Palestinian seen by many of his countrymen as a traitor because he advocates giving up the Palestinians’ right of return in exchange for unspecified ‘peace’ deals with Israel; Nusseibeh co-founded a joint initiative in 2002 with Ami Ayalon, former head of the Israeli security service Shin Bet; the memoir was published by Instituto Berg in 2020 as Érase una vez un país: una vida palestina (first published in English in 2007 as Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life).
– El juicio del Káiser, by the Canadian Jewish academic William Schabas, a history of the attempt to put German Kaiser Wilhelm II on trial for ‘war crimes’ after the First World War; this Spanish edition was published in 2020; the first English edition in 2018 was titled The Trial of the Kaiser; much of Schabas’s work focuses on the development of human rights law in the context of the ‘Holocaust’ and the Nuremberg trial, though he has sometimes been controversial for his association with the Israeli left-wing and his criticisms of the Netanyahu governments.
– The memoirs of Telford Taylor, an American lawyer and intelligence officer most famous for his role as chief prosecutor at the Nuremberg trial. This was published by Instituto Berg in 2022 as Anatomía de los juicios de Núremberg, and first published in English in 1992 as The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials: A Personal Memoir.
– Justicia Imperfecta by Stuart Eizenstat, published by Instituto Berg in 2019, first published in 2009 as Imperfect Justice: Looted Assets, Slave Labor, and the Unfinished Business of World War II. This is an account of Eizenstat’s role during the 1990s in attempts to obtain financial compensation for Jewish families whose properties, belongings or bank accounts had allegedly been confiscated or otherwise lost during the ‘Holocaust’. Since 2013 he has been the US State Department’s “Special Adviser for Holocaust Issues”, appointed to that role by Hillary Clinton.
It really could not be clearer that the Berg Institute is one of Spain’s leading academic promoters of ‘Holocaust’ studies and is imbued with an anti-fascist and ‘anti-nazi’ ethos. Meanwhile the Berg Institute alumnus Armando Rodríguez Pérez has portrayed himself for the past two years as a militant fascist, national socialist, or national bolshevik: sometimes a Carlist, sometimes a Falangist, sometimes a pro-Franco advocate of an integral Spanish nation, sometimes promoting separatist schemes. While switching switching between factions, Armando has closely associated himself with militant wings of the Spanish ‘far right’. Not only did he act as a lawyer for the leading figures in the now defunct national socialist youth group Bastion Frontal, but he inserted himself into its leadership.
ARMANDO’S INFILTRATION MISSION
In recent months the mission of the anti-fascist infiltrator Armando Rodríguez Pérez has been extended. He has sought to become ever closer to Juan Antonio Llopart, a veteran radical nationalist and publisher. Armando portrays himself as a militant anti-Zionist seeking to liaise with the Iranian government and its allies.
He is now listed as ‘political action secretary’ to Llopart’s new organisation Movimiento Pueblo, which is seeking to register as a political party in time for next year’s local elections. At a recent Madrid conference that he helped Llopart to organise, Armando met for the first time the British activist Lady Michèle Renouf, who naturally enough assumed that he was a bona fide nationalist and anti-Zionist. During the weekend of 2nd-4th December 2022, Armando attended a small gathering at Lady Renouf’s second home in the German countryside, where fellow guests included some well known figures on the German national socialist scene. Good news for the anti-fascist infiltrator Armando, who will have picked up intelligence and made what he hopes will be useful contacts. Those involved are now being warned as to Armando’s true allegiances, and we hope that the damage will be minimised.
These British and German connections have already allowed Armando Rodríguez Pérez to insinuate himself into a scheme to obtain Iranian assistance for a political fugitive wanted by the German authorities. We are fully informed about this plan, but for obvious reasons are not yet reporting the full details. Steps are being taken to minimise the damage that the anti-fascist infiltrator Armando Rodríguez Pérez can cause – though of course it’s not yet known whether his intention is to sabotage the rescue of this dissident, or to use the entire affair in order to ingratiate himself with Iranian networks and perhaps infiltrate them on behalf of Israeli interests.
What is certain is that Armando Rodríguez Pérez is bad news for nationalists, national socialists, revisionists and anti-Zionists. Several of his inconsistent ideological positions seem to have been adopted with the primary intention of weakening and dividing the radical nationalist movement, both within Spain and internationally.
In January this year when Madrid police were attempting to track down Isabel Peralta (who was at the time temporarily resident in Germany) they were telephoned by a lawyer called Alvaro Domec who claimed to be Isabel’s legal representative. In fact she had never met him, never corresponded with him, and never heard of him, but court papers in her ongoing trial for the May 2021 speech outside the Moroccan Embassy continue to present Domec as having been her lawyer.
For unknown reasons, none of the police and prosecution files relating to the investigation of Isabel Peralta and Bastión Frontal mention Armando Rodríguez Pérez. Moreover, despite the anti-fascist and mainstream media’s intense interest in Bastión Frontal, which was portrayed for much of 2021-2022 as a particularly dangerous and violent ‘neo-nazi’ organisation, no journalist and no ‘anti-fascist’ ever exposed its co-leader ‘Armando Bastión’ as being the outwardly respectable Madrid lawyer Armando Rodríguez Pérez.
Equally mysterious was Armando’s own reticence during March 2022, when his client Isabel Peralta was detained at Frankfurt Airport and questioned, before being expelled from Germany in what appears to be a potentially illegal deportation; and in October 2022 when she was again detained by German police in Hessen and served with an exclusion order. On both occasions she was badly in need of a reliable German lawyer, but Armando gave every impression that he had no German contacts who could help.
At the time of Isabel’s March arrest in Frankfurt, it was the assistant editor of Heritage & Destiny, Peter Rushton – not her Madrid lawyer Armando Rodríguez Pérez – who made contact with an experienced German lawyer from Berlin, Wolfram Nahrath, and asked him to represent Isabel, which he did.
This was then used six or seven months later by the German authorities as ‘evidence’ that Isabel herself had ‘high-level connections’ with ‘German political extremists’.
Completely unknown to Isabel, her Spanish lawyer Armando actually has particularly close associations with German lawyers, a fact that he had studiously avoided mentioning to her. In fact his legal office in Madrid (C. de Serrano, 79, 7d), which was at one time the office of his defunct firm GABEIRO, now operates as the Madrid branch of a legal firm called Strafverteidiger Spanien. This firm has a German name, even though it is based in Barcelona and also has a branch in the tourist resort town of Palma de Mallorca.
The firm is headed by Armando’s friend and colleague María Barbancho Saborit, and specialises in representing German-speaking clients in need of legal representation in Spain, including people accused of financial crimes and/or facing European arrest warrants.
Ms Barbancho Saborit seems to be of part-German ancestry, and was educated at the Deutsche Schule in Barcelona, before spending part of her university course at Heidelberg. There is no suggestion that Ms Barbancho Saborit is necessarily party to or even aware of Armando’s double life inside European national socialist movements. She is qualified in both Spanish and German law.
CONCLUSION
The infiltration mission of Armando Rodríguez Pérez as a spy within radical nationalist and national socialist circles raises serious questions about the Spanish justice system.
How can it be right for an infiltrator to act as the legal representative for someone accused of political crimes, when unbeknown to his client, the lawyer concerned has a long record of association with completely opposed political ideas?
Naturally it is possible for a lawyer to represent someone whose views he does not share. But in this case Armando Rodríguez Pérez pretended to share those views – in fact acted as a leader of the political groups concerned as well as lawyer for their activists – while actually having a longstanding allegiance to opposing forces.
It is urgently necessary for the present prosecution of Isabel Peralta to be abandoned, and for the Spanish secret police and prosecutors to explain just how much they know about the real agenda of Armando Rodríguez Pérez.
Meanwhile we shall continue to work with those in nationalist, national socialist, revisionist and anti-Zionist movements in various countries in an effort to minimise and repair the damage inflicted by Armando Rodríguez Pérez.
As Friedrich Nietzsche wrote more than a century ago: Aus der Kriegsschule des Lebens – Was mich nicht umbringt, macht mich stärker. “From the military school of life – What fails to kill me, makes me stronger.”
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